for  members  only 

may 2002

Read the full text of the decision at:
http://www.aoc.state.nc.us/www/public/sc/opinions/2002/094-02-1.htm 
Legislative Issues
Supreme Court tosses out
new legislative district maps
S
tate officials are deciding whether to appeal the N.C. Supreme Court’s 5-2 ruling that new legislative districts adopted by the General Assembly last fall violate the state constitution’s ban on dividing counties into different legislative districts. The high court’s April 30 decision was a major victory for the state Republican Party, which contended the Democratic-controlled House and Senate gerrymandered districts lines to the best advantage of Democratic candidates. However, the court dismissed the GOP’s proposed solution of folding several counties into large, multi-member legislative districts. The court said that, to the extent possible, all legislative seats should be apportioned into single-member districts.

The Supreme Court sent the case back to Johnston County Superior Court Judge Knox V. Jenkins Jr. to determine whether the General Assembly has enough time to draw new maps to be used in the November elections or whether he should have them drawn.
House Speaker Jim Black (D-Mecklenburg) said he will consult with several legislative leaders over the next few days and could have acceptable new legislative maps drawn by the time the General Assembly convenes May 28 for its budget-adjusting short session.

In its 48-page decision, the court ruled that the maps violate Article II, sections 3 and 5 of the N.C. Constitution, the so-called “Whole County Provisions” which states that "no county shall be divided in the formation" of a Senate or House district. The provision was added to the constitution in a 1968 referendum but has largely been ignored in recent years.
The redistricting plan adopted by the legislature last fall divides 51 of 100 counties into different Senate districts and 70 counties into different House districts.

The opinion was written by Chief Justice I. Beverly Lake Jr. Joining him on the constitutional issue were the three other Republicans, Associate Justices Mark D. Martin, Robert Edmunds, and George L. Wainwright Jr. Associate Justice Robert F. Orr, also a Republican, wrote a separate opinion, concurring with the majority in part and dissenting in part.
"This court should not attempt to micromanage the legislative function of drawing new districts," Orr said.

Associate Justices G.K. Butterfield and Sarah Parker, both Democrats, wrote dissenting opinions. Both said that the Whole County Provisions were unenforceable in light of the federal Voting Rights Act, which controls the redistricting process in 40 counties to protect minority voters. That was the argument made by attorneys representing the state. Butterfield also wrote that the court's remedy imposed too many redistricting rules on the legislature.

The ruling calls for new maps with single-member districts, wherever practical. It sets out several criteria for drawing legislative districts that would have the "whole counties provision" in the state constitution enforced as much as possible and still comply with "one-person, one-vote."
 
The ruling does not resolve the question of when legislative and congressional primary elections will be held. The May 7 primaries were postponed indefinitely pending a ruling by the court.


Excerpts from the 
N.C. Supreme Court’s 
ruling on redistricting:

The 2001 legislative redistricting maps violate Article II, Sections 3(3) and 5(3), of the North Carolina Constitution, the so-called “Whole County Provisions” added in a 1968 referendum requiring that, to the extent possible, counties should not be divided into different legislative districts.

The Whole County Provisions (WCP) remain valid and binding upon the General Assembly during the redistricting and reapportionment process “except to the extent that they are preempted by federal law or inconsistent with other state constitutional guarantees.”

The WCP should not be "rendered a legal nullity if (their) beneficial purposes can be preserved consistent with federal law and reconciled with other state constitutional guarantees.” The redistricting plans violate the WCP for reasons unrelated to compliance with the federal Voting Rights Act.
 
Since the General Assembly stopped complying with the WCP, legislative districts have been increasingly gerrymandered to a degree inviting widespread contempt and ridicule. The majority opinion quotes an article from the Wall Street Journal which said "elections in many semifree Third World nations routinely offer more choices than many North Carolina residents will have" under the 2001 legislative redistricting plans.” Also quoted was an article in The Economist which said, "In a normal democracy, voters choose their representatives. In America, it is rapidly becoming the other way around . . .North Carolina (has been) long notorious for outrageous reapportionment."

The U.S. District Court erred when it ruled, in a case brought after the 1980 legislative redistricting, that Forsyth County could properly be split into different legislative districts even though it was not covered by the Voting Rights Act. That case was brought by several Forsyth County residents, including Jack Cavanagh who was later elected mayor of Winston-Salem.

Consistent with the opinion of the U.S. Supreme Court that multi-member districts have been used to dilute the voting strength of racial minorities, the majority holds that the use of both single-member and multi-member districts within the same redistricting plan violates the Equal Protection Clause of the state Constitution “unless it is established that the inclusion of multi-member districts within such plan advances a compelling state interest.”

The General Assembly should be afforded the first opportunity to enact new legislative redistricting plans for use in the fall elections, “provided such can be done without disruption to the timing of the 2002 general election.” The trial court will conduct a hearing on an expedited basis to determine whether the General Assembly has sufficient time to enact such plans. If not, the trial court should proceed to develop interim plans for use in the 2002 election cycle and the General Assembly shall adopt permanent plans in the 2003 session.

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